By Qamar Bashir
The situation in Pakistan is deeply troubling as the incompetence of politicians and civil
administration has forced the army into handling sensitive ethnic, religious, cultural, and
social conflicts, areas outside its training and primary purpose. The army is primarily
trained to combat foreign enemies and assist the civilian government only when law and
order are beyond civilian control. For example, during the Paris Olympics, over 10,000
military personnel provided security but returned to barracks after the event. In Pakistan,
however, due to the persistent failures of political and civil leaders, the army is repeatedly
called upon to manage conflicts that should be the civilian government's responsibility.
During my over four decades of experience, I have frequently interacted with the Army
Command when they were called to assist civilians. The army consistently argued that
they should only be called upon in extreme circumstances. They emphasized that their
military-grade weapons are unsuitable for use against their own citizens, which limits
their effectiveness to that of the civilian government. While their presence and flag
marches may initially intimidate the populace, this effect diminishes as people grow
accustomed to the army's involvement in civilian matters.
The involvement of the army in civilian affairs, driven by the incompetence of politicians
and the civil administration, has severely damaged its image. Visible and virulent
movements against the army have emerged in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
(KP). The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) in KP advocates for the rights of the
Pashtun people, aiming to end extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and
unlawful detentions, while demanding justice and human rights. In Balochistan, groups
like the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Baloch Republican Army (BRA), Baloch
Liberation Front (BLF), and United Baloch Army (UBA) engage in armed struggle and
propaganda against the army, further complicating the situation. This standoff has led to
numerous incidents of violence, including the recent clash in Gwadar where a protest by
the Balochistan Yakjehti Committee turned violent, resulting in the death of one soldier
and injuries to 16 others. The loss of life, whether of a protester or a soldier, is deeply
painful for every Pakistani patriot, underscoring the urgent need for competent
governance and peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Like violent movements which should have no place in a democratic country, another
deeply worrying phenomenon that reflects a serious fault line in our national fabric is the
issuance of fatwas that call for taking the life of someone who contradicts the fatwa
giver's religious philosophy. There has been a history of such illegal fatwas in Pakistan.
In 2012, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan issued a fatwa against Malala Yousafzai for
advocating girls' education, leading to an assassination attempt. In 2011, a fatwa was
issued against Salman Taseer for criticizing blasphemy laws, resulting in his
assassination. Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy faced fatwas in 2016 for her documentary on
honor killings. Militant groups like the TTP issued fatwas against polio vaccinations,
claiming they were a Western conspiracy, leading to attacks on health workers. The 1974
fatwa against Ahmadis declared them non-Muslims, resulting in severe persecution. The
Women's Protection Bill in 2006 faced fatwas for attempting to protect women from
domestic violence. Javed Ahmad Ghamidi faced threats and was forced to leave Pakistan
in 2005 due to his progressive Islamic views. In 2017, clerics issued a fatwa against
Imran Khan over comments on the Khatm-e-Nabuwwat clause. Judges involved in the
2018 acquittal of Asia Bibi faced death fatwas from extremist groups, and those who
delivered the 2019 Faizabad Dharna verdict were similarly targeted by religious groups
like TLP. The latest incident involved the issuance of a fatwa against Supreme Court
Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa. In general parlance, the TLP, often termed the "Fatwa
Churning Machine," is allegedly seen as an asset of the ISI and is subjected to
mudslinging campaigns.
The Pakistan Army faces a two-pronged jeopardy, despite the unwavering dedication of
its brave soldiers and officers who frequently embrace shahadat in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
and Balochistan to protect the country and its people from terrorists, criminals, and
extremists. Instead of receiving the praise they rightly deserve, a virulent propaganda
campaign has been unleashed against the army on social media and traditional media
platforms. While this propaganda has failed to deter the armed forces from achieving
their objectives, it negatively impacts overall morale. Therefore, it is imperative to
address and reverse this situation promptly.
In this context, the parliament should prioritize addressing the underlying fault lines
within the country instead of wasting time on self-serving laws to protect itself from the
judiciary or opposition parties. The parliament must investigate and understand the real
reasons and factors that have transformed a large segment of society into separatist,
insurgent, extremists, religious bigots, and intolerant individuals. These elements take
pride in waging armed struggle against the army, burning religious symbols of
minorities, lynching individuals accused of blasphemy, slaughtering those opposed to
their religious views, and issuing fatwas to murder others without judicial process, all
with impunity.
Interestingly, the district administration, special branch, and other intelligence agencies
monitor all gatherings as a standard operating procedure, compiling daily reports at the
district, divisional, provincial, and national levels, which ultimately reach the Prime
Minister's desk every morning. Ironically, neither the Prime Minister, the parliament, nor
our so-called intellectual thinkers and philosophers have taken up the challenge to reverse
the ever-increasing phenomena of separatism, extremism, bigotry, intolerance, and
violent behavior. Due to this impunity, these elements have become emboldened to the
point of issuing fatwas against high-ranking officials, including the army chief, the prime
minister, judges, and now the chief justice.
As a nation, we must insulate our army from civilian affairs. Politicians and civil
administration should step forward boldly to handle all internal political conflicts, such as
the PTM and Baloch insurgency, taking full responsibility for their success and failure.
Moreover, civilian leadership must recognize that fatwas, especially those that incite
violence or are criminal in nature, including those related to incitement to violence, hate
speech, and terrorism, have no official legal status. Those issuing these illegal decrees
must be immediately brought to justice at the district level before such issues escalate to
the national level.
