By Qamar Bashir
Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest yet most underdeveloped province, has long been plagued by insurgency, socio-economic neglect, and political alienation.While the rest of the country pushes forward with development initiatives like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Balochistan remains
trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty, unrest, and marginalization.
Just across the border, China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, once a
restive and impoverished land riddled with ethnic tensions and religious
extremism, tells a dramatically different story. Over the past decade, Xinjiang
has undergone a remarkable transformation—from a hotbed of separatism to
a relatively peaceful and economically integrated region. The Chinese model
offers important lessons that Pakistan might consider in its efforts to bring
long-term peace and development to Balochistan.
In 2013, Xinjiang and Balochistan shared several striking similarities. Both
regions were vast, resource-rich, and home to ethnic minorities who felt
excluded from the national mainstream. Both suffered from high poverty
rates, low human development indicators, and an ever-present threat of
insurgency. Xinjiang, particularly in cities like Urumqi, presented a bleak
picture at the time. The roads were dotted with old vehicles, commerce was
limited, and poverty was visible in the daily lives of its people. The famous
Grand Bazaar was little more than a rustic remnant of its historical past, and
the overall economic activity was stagnant. Simultaneously, the region was
gripped by an upsurge in terrorist attacks and religious militancy, particularly
among sections of the Uyghur community. These acts of violence caused
severe disruption, social tension, and tragic loss of innocent lives.
Faced with mounting unrest, the Chinese government launched a
comprehensive strategy to steer Xinjiang away from extremism and toward a
path of stability and development. This strategy went beyond military
suppression. It focused instead on what the state termed as a 'discreet,
permanent and human solution.' Vocational training centers were established
across the region, designed to house hundreds of thousands of young and
middle-aged individuals. These centers provided training in trades such as
electronics, textiles, carpentry, IT, artificial intelligence, and even cultural
arts like music and dance. The idea was to open minds, broaden worldviews,
and provide viable alternatives to extremism.
Between 2014 and 2019, more than 1.2 million individuals were enrolled in
these training programs. These efforts were accompanied by unprecedented
state investment in infrastructure, including modern transportation, energy
grids, and urban development. With their newly acquired skills, thousands of
Xinjiang residents entered the workforce with confidence and competence,
finding employment in industries that had never existed in the region before.
Families saw improvements in their standard of living, children were enrolled
in better schools, and traditional crafts were transformed into marketable
products. Once disillusioned and disenfranchised, many residents began to
see their cultural identity as an asset rather than a barrier.
The impact of this strategy is visible in the economic figures. In 2013,
Xinjiang’s GDP was approximately USD 124 billion. A decade later, it had
grown to over USD 230 billion. The poverty rate dropped from over 20
percent to below two percent in official estimates. The literacy rate improved
dramatically, and economic activity flourished in diverse sectors such as
tourism, mining, renewable energy, and e-commerce.
During the same period, Balochistan’s economic trajectory has remained
largely stagnant. In 2013, the province’s GDP was around USD 9 billion,
constituting just 3.7 percent of Pakistan’s total output. By 2023, this figure
had risen modestly to about USD 12 to 13 billion, still less than four percent
of the national economy. Poverty levels have remained high, with over 40
percent of the population living below the poverty line. Unemployment
among youth is estimated to be above 35 percent, and the literacy rate
continues to hover around 45 percent—the lowest in the country.
Despite being rich in natural resources—home to vast reserves of copper,
gold, natural gas, and valuable minerals—Balochistan has yet to reap the
benefits of its wealth. Major development projects such as Reko Diq,
Saindak, and the strategic Gwadar Port have failed to uplift the local
population. Locals remain largely uninvolved in planning and decision-
making, and many feel excluded from the profits of the resource economy
that exists in their own backyard. Instead of opportunity, what many Baloch
citizens experience is deprivation, displacement, and disenfranchisement.
Unlike China, which invested in large-scale vocational and educational
facilities across Xinjiang, Pakistan’s strategy in Balochistan has leaned
heavily on military operations. The use of force, rather than empowerment,
has dominated the response to insurgency. This has often worsened the trust
deficit between the state and the local population. While security may be
necessary to maintain law and order, it is not sufficient to win hearts and
minds.
The Xinjiang model, demonstrates the power of education, skill development,
and inclusive economic policy in countering extremism. By transforming
potential insurgents into productive citizens through education and
opportunity, China was able to quell unrest without relying solely on
repression. Pakistan can adapt similar strategies to suit its own democratic
and constitutional framework. Establishing modern vocational training
centers in Gwadar, Turbat, Quetta, and other key cities could give Baloch
youth the tools they need to participate in the economy and build better lives.
Providing access to quality healthcare, nutrition, and education would help
reduce the sense of abandonment that fuels separatist sentiment.
Moreover, the local population must be made stakeholders in development
projects. This means not just providing jobs but also giving Baloch leaders,
entrepreneurs, and professionals a meaningful role in shaping and managing
these initiatives. The narrative around Balochistan must also shift—from one
of insurgency to one of opportunity, dignity, and inclusion. Media, literature,
and film can be powerful tools in reshaping perceptions and fostering a sense
of shared destiny.
The people of Balochistan are proud, resilient, and intelligent. Their cultural
heritage, values, and traditions are assets to the Pakistani federation, not
liabilities. But no community can thrive in the absence of opportunity.
Extremism finds fertile ground where hope has dried up. Development, when
done with vision and empathy, can be the most effective form of counter-
insurgency.
The Xinjiang experience, for all its complexities, presents a roadmap where
economic integration, skills training, and inclusive governance replaced
despair with dignity. Pakistan now stands at a crossroads. It can continue to
rely on force alone—or it can choose a smarter, more sustainable path that
uplifts its people and unites its provinces in the true spirit of federalism.
The time to choose is now.
