By Qamar Bashir
After the elections, Nawaz Sharif was left heartbroken, and his die-hard fans were
devastated by his decision to decline the premiership. Feeling humiliated and
dejected, Nawaz Sharif's ability to make rational decisions was clouded by agony
and pain. Seizing the opportunity, the architect of Pakistan's political landscape
acted swiftly, tactfully proposing Shahbaz Sharif as Prime Minister in Nawaz
Sharif's place. According to some close associates, Nawaz Sharif was threatened to
consider a hundred times before deciding against it, with the possibility of his
constituency results and those of his daughter being made public, adding to his
humiliation and indignation. He knew that his beloved daughter would rather
endure desperation and pain than be denied the Chief Ministership of Pakistan's
largest province, for which she had worked tirelessly.
The threat was enough to compel Nawaz Sharif to take a back seat and watch the
premiership, for which he had waited, suffered, and worked so hard, slip away
from his grasp and be bestowed upon Shahbaz Sharif, who had solidified his
connections with the establishment during his previous tenure.
Nawaz Sharif also witnessed with utter indignation when his long-time favorite,
Ishaq Dar, was denied the Ministry of Finance. This decision came as a profound
surprise to Dar, who felt deeply humiliated when his pride as a financial wizard
was severely and mercilessly wounded.
Ironically, this critical ministry was handed to an unelected professional with no
experience or expertise in handling complex public financial matters. Furthermore,
this individual was not accountable to the people of Pakistan for his performance
as Finance Minister.
Despite being offered the consolation prize of Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ishaq
Dar found himself ill-suited for the role, much to the dismay of the people of
Pakistan who were disheartened to see him as the country's top diplomat.
Amidst the drama of suspense, intrigue, deception, and conspiracies, Shahbaz
Sharif played his cards masterfully. He achieved everything he desired in life,
without apprently alienating his elder brother and his leader, positioning himself
as the most suitable candidate for the premiership by aligning himself, his political
ideology, and his complete obedience with the architects of the election results.
Once elected as Prime Minister, Shahbaz Sharif's obedience was legendary. He
appointed all unelected nominees for the important cabinet portfolios, accepted all
policy decisions, and left no opportunity, event, or media discourse untouched to
express his admiration, gratitude, and thanks to the architects.
As the shock, sorrow, and agony of the election results subsided, Nawaz Sharif and
his close associates came to the stark realization that they had been completely
marginalized and excluded from the political chessboard of Pakistan. They
understood how Rana Sanaullah, who could have undoubtedly been the next
interior minister, was sidelined to make way for Mr. Naqvi, who had earned praise
and blessings from the establishment for ruthlessly cracking down on the PTI
during the 9th May incident and manipulating the election results to disadvantage
some of the the PML(N) candidates while rewarding the others.
Upon recognizing this reality, they devised a plan of action to reassert themselves
within the government and the party. In the public domain, they began injecting the
narrative that the election results were manipulated to deprive Nawaz Sharif of the
premiership and deny his close associates victory in the elections and their
guaranteed place in the cabinet. Discreetly, they withdrew PML(N) support from
the current government by disassociating the party's manifesto from the incumbent
government. They then moved to assert themselves in the formation of the cabinet
by advocating for Ishaq Dar to be appointed as Deputy Prime Minister. Finally,
they orchestrated a shift in the party's presidency from Shahbaz Sharif to Nawaz
Sharif.
Out of the four planned actions, the most damaging and far-reaching consequence
was the statement that the PML(N) is not responsible for implementing its
manifesto. This assertion was based on the flimsy ground that since Shahbaz
Sharif's government is heading a coalition government and the PML(N) could not
achieve a simple majority in parliament, they are not accountable for implementing
their manifesto or the performance of Shahbaz Sharif's government. This leaves the
question open as to whose manifesto Shahbaz Sharif's government is following.
This was a severe blow to the government of Shahbaz Sharif and a shock to its
architect.
In essence, this statement implies that Shahbaz Sharif's government does not have
the mandate of the people to govern. It represents a profound loss of confidence in
the government's policies and leadership, significantly undermining its legitimacy
and credibility. This situation is akin to a building whose foundation has been
pulled out, and it is on the verge of collapse with a slight touch.
The second attack by the Nawaz Sharif faction was to elevate Mr. Ishaq Dar, a
close confidant of Nawaz Sharif, to the position of Deputy Prime Minister. This
means that Dar now holds significant authority, as both the interior minister and
finance minister, along with the entire cabinet, will report to him before making
any policy decisions in their respective spheres. As Deputy Prime Minister, Dar is
second-in-command and will step in as Prime Minister when necessary. He will
lead Cabinet meetings, represent the government at official functions, and handle
day-to-day government operations. He will also oversee specific policy areas,
ensuring coherence and alignment with the overall government agenda.
The third attack was to deprive Shahbaz Sharif of the coveted post of President of
the PML(N). This move may not have been questioned, if Nawaz had been Prime
Minister. His realization of the conspiracy against him has made him adamant to
strip Shahbaz Sharif of all powers. This action will leave Shahbaz Sharif without
any significant authority; Deprived of the party's presidency, the PML(N)
manifesto, and the Prime Minister's absolute power, Shahbaz Sharif will become a
leader without legitimacy or authority.
This reaction is crucial on several fronts. If the PML(N) decides to withdraw its
support from the current government, Shahbaz Sharif's administration would
collapse immediately. Now, assuming he is no longer the Prime Minister and holds
no significant portfolio within the party, his fate becomes uncertain and his
political future could hang in the balance.
Furthermore, the question arises: who would be the next favorite of the architect if
Shahbaz Sharif is sidelined? This is a complex and difficult question to answer at
this juncture. However, one thing is clear: regardless of Shahbaz Sharif's prowess
in the game of politics, both he and his architect will undoubtedly encounter
shocking surprises from the experienced and seasoned player, Nawaz Sharif. As
the situation unfolds, the dynamics of Pakistani politics are bound to shift, and the
outcomes may be unpredictable.
