By Qamar Bashir
In an interview with a national TV channel, Mr. Rauf Hassan disclosed several key aspects of PTI’s policies and decisions on pressing issues. These included the party’s stance on bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, their approach to the six judges’ charge sheet against the executive and intelligence agencies, their policy towards JUI, the return of the election symbol of PTI, the
reintegration of deserted party members, the party’s perspective on internal divisions within PML(N), and the efforts to improve relations between PTI and the influential establishment.
I know Mr. Rauf Hassan from the date of his appointment as Special Assistant to the Prime Minister for the Ministry of Information. As Joint Secretary, I received and ushered him to his office. Though he was not very popular amongst the PTI’s political leadership of that time, following the removal of many frontline leaders after the crackdown on the party, he virtually emerged as PTI’s primary
spokesperson, particularly in handling complex and challenging decisions.
While reacting to Sheer Jan Marwat’s statement on Saudi Arabia, he said that Mr.
Imran Khan, was shocked to hear the unwarranted and obnoxious comments and
narrated many instances where Saudi Arabia had rescued Pakistan from difficult
financial, economic, and diplomatic situations. He advised the PTI's core
committee to meet with the Saudi Ambassador and explain to him the party's stated
position, emphasising that the PTI greatly values the bilateral, fraternal, and
brotherly relations with Saudi Arabia and that PTI had no intention to derail Saudi
Arabia's investment commitment in Pakistan.
He said that currently, a status quo exists between PTI and the Establishment and
relations are icy without any sign of melting, and effectively poured cold water on
assumption of IK’s release any time soon. He said after the Chairman’s arrest,
there was great pressure on him to leave the country, and as soon as the conditions
were made favourable, he would be called back. However, the chairman refused to
succumb to any pressure whatsoever. He emphasised that the army, an important
and vital institution of the country, already has its plate full owing to external and
internal security and safety threats. Therefore, they should focus on their core
functions and leave politics to the politicians and the people of Pakistan, who are
the final authority to accept or reject any political leader. Mr. Rauf Hassan,
however, said that the establishment would have to enter into negotiations with the
Chairman, as currently, he is the only legitimate and genuine leader in the country.
While discussing the possibility of rapprochement with the JUI, he mentioned that
within PTI there are two factions: one headed by Mr. Asad Qaiser in favour, and
the rest of the party against such a proposal. He said that the history of animosity
between JUI and PTI is very bitter, and it would perhaps take much more time and
effort to mend fences and develop a consensus on relevant issues confronted by the
nation.
Regarding the decision to take back party leaders who had deserted the party under
immense pressure from the establishment, he clarified that the party is well aware
about the hardships they had faced and therefore had made a clear distinction
between those who left the party, gave derogatory statements against it, and joined
other parties, and those who, though left the party, neither gave statements against
the party nor joined another party. When specifically asked about Mr. Fawad
Hussain, he categorically said that he falls in the first group while Malika Bukhari
and Shireen Mazari fall in the second group.
In the matter of the Election Symbol, he said that intra party elections were
conducted exactly in accordance with the law, results were submitted to the
Election Commission who after examination accepted the result. However, since
then, PTI has held two more meetings and will approach the Election Commission
for the fourth time. He expressed doubt that PTI would not get back the election
symbol until all by-elections are complete and there would be no need to continue
depriving the party of its election symbol.
Regarding Mian Nawaz Sharif's decision to become a party to the Supreme Court's
suo moto proceedings on six judges' letters, he said that in principle, PTI would
stay away from any proceedings as it believes that the judiciary, as a pillar of the
state, should be able to resolve the matter amongst themselves, and any outside
interference or indulgence would be counterproductive. He added that without a
strong, independent, free, and fair judiciary, the state cannot function properly, as
is the case in Pakistan currently. He mentioned that the helplessness, unfairness,
and biases of the judiciary were admitted by none other than the judges
themselves, and this is the reason the state structure in Pakistan has crumbled. He
advised the judiciary to reclaim its lost space as quickly as possible to put the
country back on the path of progress and development.
Referring to the internal division within PML(N), he said that, according to
credible information the house of PML(N) and the family of Mian Nawaz Sharif
have clearly been divided into Nawaz and Shahbaz groups. Nawaz Sharif’s group
believes that Shahbaz, in connivance with the Establishment, has betrayed Nawaz
Sharif and effectively destroyed his political career. He said that the conflict
between the two factions simmering within the family and close circles of PML(N)
will soon escalate to the national level, and many deals that were made underhand
by both factions of the PML(N) will wreak havoc on the entire party and its
followers.
However, despite many policies of the PTI being unveiled, many burning questions
remain. When and how will the Chairman of PTI's ordeal finally end? Will he be
breathing in fresh air any time soon? Without Imran Khan, will the movement kick
started by the PTI and its allied parties in Balochistan, demanding the re-issuance
of election results on the basis of form 45 gain enough momentum to pose credible
pressure on the government and the establishment to either reissue the election
results, or decide to conduct fresh elections? Questions also remain about how the
incumbent government of PMM(N) will deliver and survive when stalwarts of its
own party are withdrawing their support, alleging that even in PML(N), picking
and choosing was exercised to select certain candidates and reject others. Another
question is how strongly and how soon Nawaz Sharif will commence opposition to
the government of his own brother.
