By Qamar Bashir
Major General Ahmed Sharif of the ISPR delivered a fiery press conference
primarily centered around the 9th May incident, attributing blame to the judiciary
for its failure to administer exemplary punishment to the masterminds, planners,
abettors, and facilitators. He suggested that PTI could receive a clean chit if it
sought forgiveness, condemned the 9th May inferno, vowed not to repeat such an
episode, and committed to playing a sincere role in the country's development and
progress.
He emphasized that the perpetrators of violence and destruction at Jinnah House
were so evidently guilty that further evidence was unnecessary for their conviction.
However, despite this, they have not received exemplary punishment. In contrast,
the army, which operates under an automatic, transparent, and stringent
accountability system, has already subjected all those found complicit or failing in
their duties during the 9th May episode to rigorous scrutiny. He specifically cited
the case of Major General Bilal, Corp Commander Mangla, and former ISI chief
General Faiz, who were subjected to strict disciplinary measures by the army due
to their alleged involvement, which contravened army discipline and conduct.
While criticizing the demand for formation of judicial commission on 9th May
inferno, he said that commissions are formed to inquire into those incidents where
there was an ambiguity and lack of clarity, whereas in this case the planners,
instigators, perpetrators are all known, and there was no need for any inquiry. But
if at all the inquiry commission had to be constituted then there should be
commissions to hold inquiries against the Dharna of 2014, attack on the
parliament, attack on PTV headquarter and to the Prime Minister’s House for
unearthing the reasons, motives and conspiracy against the then sitting
government.
The ISPR chief vehemently asserted that while the army respects all political
parties and engages with them for the nation's progress and prosperity within the
bounds of the law and constitution, it will not engage with those who have
desecrated the resting places of the Shuhadas, incited young minds against the state
and the army, attacked army installations, threatened the army, instigated
supporters to attack army vehicles, or propagated campaigns to defame the army
and drive a wedge between the people and the armed forces. However, he did not
specify the constitutional or legal provisions perhaps due to paucity of time which
empowered the army to liaise with political parties.
While addressing the pervasive anti-state and anti-army sentiments on social
media, he suggested that by slowing down the internet and suspending platforms
like Twitter (now replaced by X), the pace and toxicity of propaganda have been
significantly reduced. He indicated that not only existing laws and regulations
would be rigorously enforced to bring offenders to justice, but also new legislation
would be introduced by parliament to prosecute those engaging in malicious and
toxic propaganda against the state, the army, the judiciary, and those undermining
friendly relations with foreign countries.
He refrained from commenting on the letters addressed by the six judges to the
Supreme Judicial Council, complaining about blatant and overbearing interference
by intelligence agencies, stating that the matter is sub judice. However, he added
that any complaint had to be supported with incontrovertible facts and evidence;
otherwise, such allegations should be regarded as part of a campaign against the
army and its institutions.
He claimed that PTI is considered the most popular party, while data, evidence,
and surveys show that only 7.5% of the total population voted for PTI in the Feb-8
elections. Credible surveys reflected that 74% of the people of Pakistan consider
the army as the top most credible and trusted institution of the country. He
emphasized that the Feb-8 elections do not prove that those who voted for PTI
endorsed or seconded the May-9 incident. Moreover, those who didn't vote for PTI
did so against PTI's venomous and toxic politics.
He dismissed allegations against the army's involvement in alleged rigging in the
Feb-2024 elections as part of a propaganda smear campaign against the army. He
demanded evidence from those blaming the army for rigging and urged them to
produce it before relevant institutions for adjudication or justice. He stressed that
during the election, the army's role was confined to providing a secure enabling
environment for fair, transparent, and peaceful conduct, which was performed
professionally, leading to peaceful elections nationwide.
Defending the army’s involvement in commercial, large-scale manufacturing,
banks, mills, real estate business, construction, and transportation, he argued that
this phenomenon is not unique to Pakistan. He stated that in many other countries,
the army pursues such endeavors to provide benefits to the families of Shuhudas,
retired army personnel, and their families. He clarified that not even a single penny
of the exchequer was used in raising these institutions, though he couldn't elaborate
on how these highly capital-intensive projects were funded due to time constraints.
The timing of the press conference was significant, given ongoing judicial
proceedings. The Supreme Court is hearing the Faizabad Dharna case and has
rejected the Dharna Commission’s report. Another Supreme Court bench has
suspended the Election Commission and Peshawar High Court’s decision, which
deprived PTI of special seats for women and minorities, impacting the coalition
government's votes in parliament and its ability to make constitutional
amendments. This ruling has also given hope to PTI for regaining their status as a
political party elections symbol and securing the release of their leader. The entire
judiciary is rising against interference by intelligence agencies and the executive in
cases with significant political implications.
This press conference also posed a significant question: What happens if,
following due judicial process, the Supreme Court clears the former chairman of
PTI and its leaders, who have been imprisoned for a year, allowing PTI to resume
functioning as a regular political party? How does this affect the army's demand
that PTI must seek forgiveness to be spared?
